Introduction
The history of immigration to the United States is marked by cycles of acceptance and resistance, often shaped by economic, cultural, and religious anxieties. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Irish and Italian immigrants, predominantly Catholic, faced significant opposition from native-born Protestant Americans who viewed their arrival as a threat to national identity, economic stability, and social order. This resistance was fueled by stereotypes of criminality, religious incompatibility, and fears of unassimilability, often manifesting in discriminatory policies, mob violence, and nativist political movements. Today, similar dynamics are evident in the resistance to South American immigration, where concerns about security, gang violence, and cultural integration echo historical patterns. This essay examines the parallels between these two periods, focusing on the dominant groups that opposed Irish and Italian immigration, the security and gang-related violence associated with these communities, and their eventual integration into American society. It further extrapolates these historical insights to analyze contemporary attitudes toward South American immigrants, noting the emergence of conservative leanings and skepticism toward uncontrolled immigration within these newer communities.
Historical Context of Irish and Italian Immigration
Irish immigration to the United States surged in the mid-19th century, driven by the Great Famine (1845–1852), which killed approximately one million Irish and forced two million to emigrate (Library of Congress, n.d.). From 1820 to 1860, nearly two million Irish arrived, with 75% settling after the famine (Library of Congress, n.d.). These immigrants were predominantly Catholic, rural, and unskilled, concentrating in urban centers like Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. Their arrival coincided with a period of economic competition and Protestant dominance, exacerbating tensions with native-born Americans (Higham, 1955).
Italian immigration followed, peaking between 1890 and 1920, when over four million Italians, mostly from Southern Italy, migrated to the United States (Gagliarducci & Tabellini, 2022). Like the Irish, Italians were overwhelmingly Catholic, often impoverished, and faced hostility due to their religious and cultural differences. By 1920, Southern and Eastern European immigrants, including Italians, comprised 41% of the U.S. foreign-born population, a significant shift from the Northern and Western European dominance of earlier decades (Migration Policy Institute, 2024).
Both groups faced systemic prejudice rooted in their Catholic faith, which was perceived as antithetical to America’s Protestant ethos. The Catholic Church’s hierarchical structure and allegiance to the Vatican fueled fears of a “papal plot” to undermine American democracy (History.com, 2017). These religious tensions, combined with economic and social anxieties, set the stage for widespread resistance.
Dominant Groups Opposing Irish and Italian Immigration
The opposition to Irish and Italian immigration was led by native-born Protestant Americans, particularly those of Anglo-Saxon descent, who viewed themselves as guardians of American cultural and political values. This group, often referred to as White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPs), dominated economic, political, and social institutions in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Their resistance was articulated through nativist movements, political organizations, and influential intellectual circles.
The Know-Nothing Party, formally the American Party, emerged in the 1850s as a powerful nativist force, particularly targeting Irish Catholics. The party capitalized on anti-Catholic sentiment, promising to restrict immigration and protect Protestant values (History.com, 2017). In 1854, the Know-Nothings won significant electoral victories, including six governorships and control of several state legislatures, reflecting widespread support among Protestant working-class and middle-class voters (Immigrant Archive Project, 2017). The party’s rhetoric portrayed Irish immigrants as violent, drunken, and loyal to the Pope, incapable of assimilating into American society (Library of Congress, n.d.).
By the late 19th and early 20th centuries, opposition to Italian immigrants was similarly intense, driven by both Protestant elites and broader nativist groups. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), re-emerging in the 1910s, opposed Catholic immigration, particularly targeting Italians and Jews alongside African Americans (Migration Policy Institute, 2024). The KKK’s propaganda depicted Italians as prone to “crimes of personal violence,” a stereotype reinforced by eugenicists like Charles Davenport, who argued that Southern Europeans were racially inferior and unfit for American society (Migration Policy Institute, 2024).
Intellectual and political elites further legitimized this resistance. The Dillingham Commission’s 1911 report, commissioned by Congress, described Southern and Eastern Europeans as racially distinct and inferior to Northern Europeans, advocating for literacy tests and race-based immigration quotas (Migration Policy Institute, 2024). These recommendations culminated in the Immigration Act of 1924, which sharply limited immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe, reflecting the influence of Protestant elites and nativist organizations like the Immigration Restriction League (Higham, 1955).
Economic competition also fueled opposition. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), representing skilled Protestant workers, supported immigration restrictions to protect wages and job opportunities, viewing Irish and Italian laborers as threats due to their willingness to work for lower wages (Migration Policy Institute, 2024). This economic anxiety was particularly acute in urban areas, where Irish and Italian immigrants competed with native-born workers in industries like construction, railroads, and manufacturing (Library of Congress, n.d.).
Security and Gang-Related Violence Associated with Irish and Italian Immigration
Irish and Italian immigrants were frequently stereotyped as inherently criminal, with their communities linked to gang activity and violence. These perceptions, while exaggerated, were rooted in real incidents that fueled nativist fears and justified restrictive policies.
For the Irish, urban slums in cities like New York and Boston became associated with crime and disorder. The Irish were concentrated in impoverished neighborhoods, living in overcrowded tenements with poor sanitation, which bred social instability (Library of Congress, n.d.). Gangs such as the Bowery Boys and the Dead Rabbits, active in New York’s Five Points district, engaged in street brawls, theft, and extortion, often along ethnic lines (History.com, 2017). The 1863 New York City Draft Riots, sparked by opposition to conscription during the Civil War, saw Irish mobs attack African Americans and government officials, resulting in over 100 deaths (Library of Congress, 2017). These riots reinforced stereotypes of Irish violence and disloyalty, as nativists accused them of undermining national unity (Higham, 1955).
Anti-Catholic violence also targeted Irish communities. In 1831, Protestants burned St. Mary’s Catholic Church in New York City, and in 1844, anti-Irish riots in Philadelphia left 13 dead (Library of Congress, n.d.). Such incidents were often provoked by nativist groups like the Know-Nothings, who incited mobs to attack Irish neighborhoods and churches (History.com, 2017). The 1854 attack on Jesuit priest John Bapst in Ellsworth, Maine, where he was tarred and feathered for opposing Protestant Bible use in schools, exemplified the violent backlash against Irish Catholic influence (History.com, 2017).
Italian immigrants faced similar accusations of criminality, particularly linked to organized crime. The emergence of the Black Hand, an extortion racket operating in Italian neighborhoods in the early 20th century, heightened fears of Italian lawlessness (Gagliarducci & Tabellini, 2022). While the Black Hand was not a centralized organization, its activities—threatening letters, kidnappings, and murders—were sensationalized by the press, cementing the stereotype of Italians as prone to violence (Higham, 1955). The 1891 lynching of 11 Italian immigrants in New Orleans, accused of murdering a police chief, underscored the vulnerability of Italian communities to mob violence and the complicity of local authorities in anti-Italian sentiment (Migration Policy Institute, 2024).
The Sacco and Vanzetti case (1920–1927) further amplified perceptions of Italian criminality. Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, Italian anarchists, were convicted of robbery and murder in a highly publicized trial marred by anti-Italian and anti-immigrant bias. Their execution, despite weak evidence, reflected the broader stigmatization of Italians as threats to public safety (Global Boston, 2019). Italian neighborhoods, like Irish ones, were often described as dangerous, with police reluctant to intervene except in large groups (Library of Congress, n.d.).
These incidents, while not representative of entire communities, were exploited by nativists to portray Irish and Italian immigrants as security risks. The association of Catholicism with disloyalty—exacerbated by fears of papal influence—further intensified these concerns, leading to calls for immigration restrictions and heightened surveillance of Catholic communities (Politico Magazine, 2015).
Integration of Irish and Italian Immigrants
The Irish and Italian immigrants who faced intense resistance in the 19th and early 20th centuries ultimately became integral to the American social, political, and economic fabric. Despite initial stigmatization as unassimilable Catholics prone to crime and disloyalty, both groups overcame systemic barriers through economic mobility, institutional support, cultural adaptation, and political engagement. Central to their integration were Catholic institutions, which provided community cohesion and countered anti-Catholic prejudice, as well as strategic alliances with labor movements and political machines.
Mechanisms of Irish Integration
The integration of Irish immigrants, who arrived in large numbers following the Great Famine (1845–1852), was a gradual process marked by economic, social, and political advancements. Initially concentrated in low-wage, unskilled labor—such as construction, domestic service, and dock work—the Irish leveraged economic opportunities to achieve upward mobility. By the late 19th century, second-generation Irish Americans were entering skilled trades, small businesses, and white-collar professions (Kenny, 2000). The expansion of public works projects, such as canals and railroads, provided steady employment, enabling many Irish families to move out of urban slums into more stable neighborhoods (Library of Congress, n.d.).
Education played a critical role in Irish assimilation. Catholic parochial schools, established in response to Protestant-dominated public schools that often required Bible readings from the King James Version, offered Irish children access to education while preserving their religious identity (Dolan, 2008). By 1900, the Catholic Church operated over 3,500 parochial schools, educating nearly one million students, many of whom were Irish (Politico Magazine, 2015). These schools emphasized discipline, literacy, and American civic values, preparing Irish youth for professional and civic roles. The Irish also benefited from public education in cities like New York and Boston, where they gained skills that facilitated entry into teaching, law, and journalism (Kenny, 2000).
Political engagement was another cornerstone of Irish integration. The Irish quickly mastered urban politics, particularly through Democratic Party machines like Tammany Hall in New York City. These machines provided jobs, housing, and social services to Irish immigrants in exchange for votes, fostering loyalty and political influence (Erie, 1988). By the 1880s, Irish politicians dominated city governments in Boston, Chicago, and New York, with figures like Boston’s Mayor Hugh O’Brien (elected 1884) symbolizing Irish political ascent (Library of Congress, n.d.). The Irish also gained prominence in national politics; by 1900, over 50 Irish Americans served in Congress, amplifying their community’s voice (Kenny, 2000).
Labor unions further aided Irish integration. Initially excluded from the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which favored skilled Protestant workers, the Irish formed their own unions, such as the Knights of Labor, which by 1886 had over 700,000 members, including many Irish Catholics (Dolan, 2008). Union activism secured better wages and working conditions, enhancing economic stability and social respectability. The Irish also used their labor influence to challenge nativist policies, advocating for fair treatment of immigrants (Erie, 1988).
The Catholic Church was a linchpin of Irish integration, serving as both a cultural anchor and a bridge to American society. Irish clergy, such as Archbishop John Hughes of New York, defended Catholic rights and established institutions like hospitals, orphanages, and mutual aid societies that supported impoverished immigrants (Politico Magazine, 2015). The Church’s emphasis on temperance and moral reform countered stereotypes of Irish drunkenness and lawlessness, while its growing influence—by 1900, Catholics comprised 17% of the U.S. population—forced Protestant elites to engage with Catholic leaders (Dolan, 2008). The Church also mediated tensions between Irish immigrants and native-born Americans, promoting civic participation and patriotism.
Mechanisms of Italian Integration
Italian immigrants, arriving primarily between 1890 and 1920, faced similar challenges but followed a distinct path to integration. Like the Irish, Italians were initially relegated to low-wage jobs, such as construction, garment manufacturing, and street vending, often in ethnically segregated neighborhoods like New York’s Little Italy and Boston’s North End (Gagliarducci & Tabellini, 2022). However, Italians achieved economic mobility through entrepreneurship and family-based enterprises. By the 1920s, Italian Americans owned thousands of small businesses, including grocery stores, barber shops, and construction firms, which provided financial stability and community leadership (Luconi, 2001).
Education was slower to take hold among Italians, who prioritized immediate economic survival over schooling. Many Italian children left school early to work, and in 1910, only 30% of Italian-American children in New York City attended school regularly, compared to 60% of native-born children (Global Boston, 2019). However, the Catholic Church and settlement houses, such as Hull House in Chicago, offered educational programs that gradually increased literacy and vocational skills. By the 1930s, second-generation Italians were attending high school and college in greater numbers, entering professions like law, medicine, and public service (Luconi, 2001).
Italian political integration lagged behind the Irish due to regional divisions—Northern and Southern Italians often distrusted each other—and a cultural emphasis on family over civic engagement. However, the Democratic Party, recognizing the growing Italian vote, began courting Italian Americans in the 1920s. Figures like Fiorello La Guardia, elected mayor of New York City in 1933, exemplified Italian political success, leveraging cross-ethnic coalitions to champion immigrant rights (Luconi, 2001). Italian Americans also gained influence through labor unions, particularly in the garment and construction industries, where leaders like Luigi Antonini of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union advocated for better working conditions (Gagliarducci & Tabellini, 2022).
The Catholic Church played a vital role in Italian integration, though its influence was initially limited by Italian immigrants’ distrust of institutional religion, rooted in anticlerical traditions from Southern Italy (Dolan, 2008). The Church responded by establishing Italian parishes, such as Our Lady of Mount Carmel in New York, which offered religious services, festivals, and social support tailored to Italian traditions. These parishes fostered community cohesion and countered stereotypes of Italian criminality by promoting family values and civic responsibility (Global Boston, 2019). The Church also mediated between Italian immigrants and native-born Americans, encouraging participation in American civic life.
Italian mutual aid societies, known as società di mutuo soccorso, were equally important. By 1920, over 2,000 such societies operated in the United States, providing insurance, job placement, and cultural preservation (Luconi, 2001). These organizations helped Italians navigate economic hardship and discrimination, fostering a sense of pride and collective identity that eased their integration.
Erosion of Anti-Catholic Prejudice
The integration of Irish and Italian immigrants was accompanied by a gradual decline in anti-Catholic prejudice, driven by demographic, political, and cultural shifts. By 1920, Catholics constituted nearly 20% of the U.S. population, making them a significant electoral and social force (Dolan, 2008). This demographic weight forced political parties, particularly the Democrats, to court Catholic voters, reducing overt anti-Catholic rhetoric. The election of Al Smith, an Irish Catholic, as New York’s governor in 1918 and his presidential candidacy in 1928 marked a turning point, though his defeat reflected lingering anti-Catholic sentiment (Politico Magazine, 2015).
World War I and World War II accelerated integration by fostering national unity. Irish and Italian Americans served in large numbers—over 800,000 Catholics served in World War I alone—demonstrating patriotism and countering accusations of disloyalty (Higham, 1955). Military service also provided economic opportunities and social mobility, as veterans accessed benefits like the GI Bill, which enabled homeownership and higher education (Kenny, 2000). Shared wartime experiences blurred ethnic boundaries, fostering a broader sense of American identity.
The racialization of Irish and Italians as “white” was another critical factor. Initially perceived as racially distinct, both groups benefited from the hardening of the black-white racial binary in the early 20th century. By aligning with white identity, Irish and Italian Americans gained access to social and economic privileges denied to African Americans and other minorities (Ignatiev, 1995). This process was evident in labor unions, where Irish and Italian workers excluded non-whites to secure better jobs, and in residential patterns, as both groups moved to racially segregated suburbs (Gagliarducci & Tabellini, 2022).
Cultural assimilation also played a role. Second- and third-generation Irish and Italians increasingly adopted American customs, such as English fluency, intermarriage with other ethnic groups, and participation in mainstream institutions like the Boy Scouts and civic clubs (Luconi, 2001). Popular culture, including films and literature, began portraying Irish and Italian Americans as quintessentially American, with figures like Frank Sinatra and Joe DiMaggio becoming national icons (Global Boston, 2019).
Contemporary Resistance, Integration, and Political Shifts
The resistance to Irish and Italian Catholic immigrants in the 19th and early 20th centuries shares striking parallels with contemporary opposition to South American immigration in the United States. Like their predecessors, South American immigrants—predominantly from countries such as Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—face nativist backlash rooted in fears of cultural incompatibility, economic competition, and security threats. Stereotypes of criminality, particularly tied to gangs like MS-13, echo historical accusations against Irish and Italian communities. Yet, as with the Irish and Italians, South American immigrants are pursuing integration through education, labor, and civic engagement, supported by religious and community institutions. Notably, some Latino communities are exhibiting a conservative shift, including skepticism toward uncontrolled immigration, mirroring the political evolution of earlier immigrant groups.
Contemporary Resistance to South American Immigration
South American immigration to the United States, particularly from Central America and Mexico, has surged since the 1980s, driven by economic hardship, political instability, and violence. By 2023, over 25 million Latinos of South American and Central American descent resided in the U.S., comprising roughly 40% of the nation’s foreign-born population (Pew Research Center, 2023). This demographic shift has provoked significant resistance, primarily from native-born white Americans, conservative political groups, and segments of the working class, who perceive these immigrants as threats to national identity, economic stability, and public safety.
The dominant groups opposing South American immigration bear similarities to the Protestant elites and nativist organizations that targeted Irish and Italian immigrants. Conservative political leaders, particularly within the Republican Party, have championed restrictive immigration policies, framing South American immigrants as economic burdens and security risks. The Trump administration’s policies, such as the 2017–2021 border wall expansion and the “zero tolerance” family separation policy, reflected this stance, drawing on rhetoric that portrayed immigrants as “invaders” (Migration Policy Institute, 2021). Grassroots movements, including vigilante groups like the Minutemen Project, have echoed historical nativist organizations like the Know-Nothings, patrolling borders and advocating for stricter enforcement (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2019).
Cultural and religious anxieties also fuel resistance. While the Catholic identity of many South American immigrants is less contentious today—given the integration of Catholicism into American society—fears of cultural “Hispanization” persist. Critics argue that Spanish language dominance and distinct cultural practices threaten America’s Anglo-Protestant heritage, a concern reminiscent of anti-Catholic fears in the 19th century (Huntington, 2004). These anxieties are amplified by conservative media outlets, which often depict Latino immigrants as unwilling to assimilate, despite evidence of high English acquisition rates among second-generation Latinos (Pew Research Center, 2023).
Economic competition remains a significant driver of opposition, particularly among white working-class communities. South American immigrants, often employed in low-wage sectors like agriculture, construction, and hospitality, are perceived as depressing wages and displacing native-born workers (Borjas, 2016). This mirrors the economic tensions that fueled Irish and Italian exclusion from labor markets, with modern labor unions, such as the AFL-CIO, adopting a more inclusive stance but still facing internal debates over immigration’s economic impacts (Migration Policy Institute, 2021).
Security and Gang-Related Violence Concerns
Security concerns, particularly around gang violence, play a central role in contemporary resistance to South American immigration, much like the gang-related stereotypes that plagued Irish and Italian communities. The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang, originating among Salvadoran immigrants in Los Angeles in the 1980s, has become a focal point of anti-immigrant rhetoric. MS-13, with an estimated 10,000 members in the U.S., is responsible for violent crimes, including extortion, drug trafficking, and murder (Congressional Research Service, 2022). High-profile cases, such as the 2017 murders of four teenagers in Long Island, New York, attributed to MS-13, have been widely publicized, reinforcing stereotypes of Central American immigrants as inherently criminal (New York Times, 2018).
These narratives parallel historical fears of Irish gangs like the Dead Rabbits and Italian extortion rackets like the Black Hand. As with those earlier groups, MS-13 represents a small fraction of the South American immigrant population, yet its actions are used to generalize entire communities. The Trump administration’s designation of MS-13 as a “transnational criminal organization” and its linkage to immigration policy intensified these associations, much like the sensationalized coverage of Italian anarchists in the Sacco and Vanzetti case (Congressional Research Service, 2022). Deportation campaigns targeting MS-13 members often swept up non-criminal immigrants, echoing the mass arrests of Irish during the 1863 Draft Riots (Migration Policy Institute, 2021).
Anti-immigrant violence has also resurfaced, reminiscent of historical attacks on Irish and Italian communities. In 2019, a mass shooting in El Paso, Texas, targeting Latinos and motivated by anti-immigrant ideology, killed 23 people, underscoring the persistence of nativist hostility (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2019). Such incidents, combined with increased Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids in Latino neighborhoods, create a climate of fear that hinders integration, much as anti-Catholic riots did for earlier immigrants.
Integration Efforts of South American Immigrants
Despite these challenges, South American immigrants are pursuing integration through pathways similar to those of the Irish and Italians: education, labor, civic engagement, and religious institutions. Educational attainment among Latinos has risen significantly; by 2021, 63% of second-generation Latino high school students graduated on time, compared to 51% in 2000 (Pew Research Center, 2023). Community colleges and vocational programs have become key avenues for economic mobility, with many Latinos entering fields like healthcare, technology, and small business ownership (Migration Policy Institute, 2021).
Labor market participation is another pillar of integration. South American immigrants dominate sectors like agriculture (50% of U.S. farmworkers are Latino) and construction (30% of workers), contributing significantly to the economy (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2023). Labor unions, learning from their exclusionary past, have increasingly embraced Latino workers, with organizations like the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) advocating for immigrant rights (Migration Policy Institute, 2021). Worker centers, similar to Italian mutual aid societies, provide job training and legal support, fostering economic stability.
Religious institutions, particularly the Catholic Church, play a vital role in Latino integration, much as they did for Irish and Italians. Over 60% of U.S. Latinos are Catholic, and parishes in cities like Los Angeles and Miami offer Spanish-language services, community programs, and advocacy for immigrant rights (Pew Research Center, 2023). Evangelical churches, which attract a growing share of Latinos (25% by 2020), also provide social networks and moral frameworks that encourage civic participation (Pew Research Center, 2020). These institutions counter stereotypes of criminality by emphasizing family values and community service, mirroring the Catholic Church’s role in reshaping Irish and Italian public images.
Civic engagement is increasing, though at a slower pace than among earlier immigrants. Latino voter turnout rose from 13% of the electorate in 2000 to 18% in 2020, driven by second-generation citizens (Pew Research Center, 2023). Organizations like UnidosUS and the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) advocate for policy reforms, while local leaders, such as Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, reflect growing Latino political influence. However, barriers like voter suppression and language access issues persist, reminiscent of Irish struggles against nativist electoral restrictions (Migration Policy Institute, 2021).
Conservative Shift and Immigration Skepticism
A notable parallel between historical and contemporary immigrant groups is the political evolution toward conservatism, particularly regarding immigration attitudes. Just as second- and third-generation Irish and Italians embraced conservative values to align with white American identity, some South American immigrants and their descendants are shifting rightward. In the 2020 presidential election, Donald Trump won 38% of the Latino vote, up from 28% in 2016, with significant gains among Mexican Americans in Texas and Cubans in Florida (Pew Research Center, 2021). This trend continued in 2024, with exit polls indicating 42% Latino support for Republican candidates in key states (CNN, 2024).
Economic success and cultural assimilation partly explain this shift. As Latinos achieve middle-class status—homeownership among Latinos rose to 49% by 2022—they prioritize issues like taxes, small business support, and public safety, aligning with conservative platforms (Pew Research Center, 2023). Religious values, particularly among Catholic and Evangelical Latinos, also drive conservative stances on issues like abortion and family structure, echoing the Irish Catholic embrace of moral conservatism in the early 20th century (Pew Research Center, 2020).
Skepticism toward uncontrolled immigration is another factor. Surveys show that 45% of Latinos support stronger border security, and 30% favor reduced legal immigration levels, reflecting concerns about job competition and cultural cohesion (Gallup, 2023). This mirrors the Irish and Italian turn against newer immigrants, such as Eastern Europeans, in the early 20th century, as they sought to protect their hard-won status (Higham, 1955). For example, Cuban Americans, many of whom fled socialist regimes, often view unchecked immigration as a potential destabilizing force, a sentiment echoed by some Central American communities wary of gang infiltration (Pew Research Center, 2021).
Conclusion
The resistance to South American immigration in the United States mirrors the historical opposition to Irish and Italian Catholic immigrants, driven by fears of cultural difference, economic competition, and security threats. Stereotypes of criminality, amplified by gang narratives like MS-13, parallel the exaggerated fears of Irish and Italian lawlessness, while nativist policies and violence recall earlier anti-Catholic hostility. Yet, South American immigrants are following a familiar path to integration through education, labor, religious institutions, and civic engagement, much as their predecessors did. The conservative shift among some Latinos, including skepticism toward uncontrolled immigration, reflects a cyclical pattern in American immigration history, where assimilated groups seek to safeguard their status amid new waves of arrivals.
These parallels suggest that South American immigrants have the potential to achieve full integration, as the Irish and Italians did, provided structural barriers are addressed. Policies that promote education, economic opportunity, and civic inclusion, alongside efforts to combat nativist rhetoric, could accelerate this process. The history of American immigration reveals a recurring tension between exclusion and acceptance, but it also underscores the resilience of immigrant communities in reshaping the nation’s social and political landscape.
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